The purpose of the study was to find out the adequacy of upper basic Social Studies curriculum content for sustainable development in Nigeria as assessed by Social Studies teachers. 306 Social Studies teachers from 341 upper basic schools in Kwara State participated in the study. A researcher-designed questionnaire was used to collect data that were analysed using descriptive statistics and chi-square. The results showed that the content of upper basic Social Studies was not adequate, as assessed by teachers. It was (...) also revealed that teachers’ assessment was significantly influenced by teaching experience, qualification and school type. However, the research showed that gender did not significantly influence Social Studies teachers’ assessment. Based on the findings, it was suggested that upper basic Social Studies curriculum should be reviewed and taught so as to ensure sustainable development in Nigeria. (shrink)

Mamluks reigned in Egypt a long time is an era of Kipchak Turks that have influence management, and Kipchak Turks has been influential in a period in the administration there. During this period, that Turkish rulers do not know Arabic language well, Turkish language is spoken in the palace and also idea of being closer to Turkish manager screated an interest in learning. One of the famous scholars realizing that interest is Abū Ḥayyān al-Andalusī. Abū Ḥayyān by learning Turkish language (...) especially from Fakhr al-dīn Divrigi and analysing written previously works, wrote Kitāb al-Idrāk li-lisān al-Atrāk. This book has consisted of introduction, vocabulary and grammar section. We also aimed in our study to examine Kitāb al-Idrāk in terms of content and than in terms of lexicography of the linguistic branch. -/- SUMMARY Mamluks reigned in Egypt a long time and in its reign Kipchak Turks had influence in management. Because of the Turkish rulers who have military background did not know Arabic language well, Turkish language was spoken in the palace and also idea of being closer of scholars and notable people to Turkish rulers got brought an interest in learning Turkish. One of the famous scholars realizing that interest is Abū Ḥayyān al-Andalusī (d. 745/ 1344). The true name of Abū Ḥayyān is Muḥammed b. Yūsuf b. Ali b. Ḥayyān al-Tawḥīdī and he is an Andalusian linguist and exegete. Abū Ḥayyān who came from a Berber family born in the Matahsharesh village of Granada in 654/1256 and died in Cairo in 28th time 745 (11 July 1344). There is not much information about his family in the sources, but it is mentioned that he has a daughter whose name is Nada, a son named Hayyân in his name, and some grandchildren which are named Muḥammad and Ummu Ḥayyān. Abū Ḥayyān became a famous as Ethīr al-dīn and at the same time, he is also known as Naḥvī, Ghirnātī (Granadian), Ceyyānī, and Nafzī. He took lessons in Granada from great scholars such as Abd al-ḥaķ b. Ali al-Anṣarī, Abū Ḥasan al-Ubbezī, Abū Cafer Aḥmed b. Ibrahīm b. Zubair, Ibn Abū al-Ahvas and became a proficient scholar and teacher in matters such as morphology, syntax, language, commentary, hadith, methodology of Fiqh and Kalām. He wrote about 18 works in different sciences and if we mention some of that are al-Baḥr al-muhīt, al-Nahr al-mād, Tuhfat al-arīb bimā fī al-Qur'ān min al-gharīb and some of his works have reached to our time and some of those did not. Abū Ḥayyān left Andalus for various reasons and visited many centers of science and eventually continued his scientific activities in Cairo. Abū Hayyān, who is a great interest in learning languages, has learned Turkish language with the other popular languages ​​such as Persian, Amharic and Himyarite language and written books about these languages. His mainly works about Turkish language are the Kitāb al-Idrāk li-lisān al-Atrāk, Zehv al-mulk fi naḥv al-Turk, al-Af'al fi lisān al-Turk and al-Durret al-mudiyye fi lughat al-Turkiyye. These works did not reach to our days except Kitāb al-Idrak. Kitāb al-Idrāk consists of three sections, namely introduction, dictionary which includes 2200 words, and grammar that is composed of morphology and syntax and this book which is known as al-Idrāk is written in the Turkish which is spoken in XIV-XVI century tongue and named as Middle Turkish Period-Mamluk Kipchak Turkish. The first chapter begins with basmala and continues with detailed his genealogy, personal record, praise to Allah and salawat and salaam to Prophet Muhammad. After this introduction, it is explained the intention of writing this work. The second chapter is a dictionary which the words are explained in alphabetical order. Although Abū Ḥayyān speaks about 23 letters in the Kipchak alphabet, he does not explain the words related to all, but examines 19 items. In this dictionary, it does not take part some letters, that is letters sā, zāl, zā (letters of lips which is written in English th); letters dâd, ayn, fa (letters of throat) which Arabs use. In the third chapter, there is a part of the tasrif (knowledge of morphology) which is generally called knowledge of morphology today. In this section, it is dealt with about the types of words namely, name of diminutive, name of belonging name, plural, agent name, passive name, exaggerated factor name, infinitive, name indicating the location, name of device, arbitrary name, and idâd (which adds are derivation of noun from name like lık, lik at the end of the word) and then it comes to the end with shadda. Section of syntax which is called by the author as consisted of compound and is prepared according to systematic of Arabic grammar begins with the sentence structure in Kipchak language. After that it continues with definite-ambiguous names, verb (orders, past, imperfect verbs), subject-predicate in nominal sentence, nevāsiḫ (additional actions helped change the meaning of the noun phrase), Arabic leyte which express by the actual wish mold and the like, such as two mef'ūl area of ​​the heart of verbs in Arabic told (I think) were deaf ( Turkmen thinks he), acts like it yet scientists (verb phrase in), acts offender (verb-subject), the abutment of the verb nefiy prepositions, prepositions, the nehiy (ban), passive verbs and naib-i fail (so-called subject); other elements of the sentence, called the act müteallakat are: cognate accusativ, direct object, time period (time complement), the envelope space (located complement), state (envelope), causative object, the exception, the specification, conflict of laws, the annexation, the oat, the dependencies: adjective, conjunction, confirm, the apposition; conditional structure. After these, he mentions to letters of meanings (huruf al-maani), and concludes this chapter with information about the date, place, and name of the author of the book. Abū Hayyān used induction method in the book. Since he gave the forms of the words in double, then the triple, quadruple, quintet and other forms. He tried to teach the pronunciation of words by explaining the etymology of word sand the changes of the voices. He examined the words which are synonyms/ contrasted, synonym voice, singular/plural, and words that are passed by foreign languages into Turkish dialects then they are turned into Turkish word structure; brought out witnesses from proverbs and poetries. As a result, in this work, which consists of dictionary and grammar sections, it can be said that it is used predominantly in linguistic information - translation method . (shrink)

Kelâm tarihi göz önüne alındığında belli parametrelere göre farklı dönemlere ayrıldığı görülmektedir. Bunlardan en çok bilinen dönemlendirmeye göre Cüveynî ile başlayan kelâmın felsefileşme evresi Gazzâlî ile ivme kazanmış ve Fahreddîn er-Râzî ile kemale ermiştir. Felsefi dönem kelâm âlimlerinden birisi de Ebü’s-Senâ el-İsfahânî’dir. Kelâmın yönteminin kusursuzlaşması ve delillerinin kesinliğinin artması noktasında kaleme aldığı eserleriyle bu alana yaptığı katkı göz ardı edilemeyecek durumdadır. Kelâmın felsefileşmesiyle beraber içerik ve yöntem olarak değişen konulardan biri olan tenzîhî sıfatlar meselesinde İsfahânî’nin felsefi yöntemi kullandığı bariz bir (...) şekilde anlaşılmaktadır. Bu bağlamda o, tenzîhî sıfatları felsefi bir ifade olan “zorunlu varlık” kavramı üzerinden ispat etmeye çalışmaktadır. Ayrıca İbn Sînâcı gelenekten de haberdar olan İsfahânî, “Allah’ın zâtının aklî lezzetlerle vasıflanabileceği” şeklindeki görüşüyle bu hususta belli ölçüde de olsa kelâmcıların bakış açısını terk edip filozofların görüşünü benimsediği görülmektedir. Bu makalede İsfahânî’nin konu hakkındaki görüşleri ve Fahreddîn er-Râzî özelinde kelâmcılara itirazları değerlendirilecektir. (shrink)

This paper undertakes an in-depth examination of the intriguing argument for the existential import of negative propositions by the fifteenth-century Ottoman scholar Hatibzâde Mehmed (d. 1496) and the counterarguments by his disciple, Taşköprizâde Kâsım (d. 1513). It argues that this discussion is a significant example of Ottoman scholars engaging in long-standing disputes concerning the nature and ontological ground of negative propositions, which date back to Plato and Aristotle. It is also intended to underline the need for considering not only logic (...) texts but also works primarily associated with other disciplines in order to attain a comprehensive picture of logical discussions in the post-classical period of Islamic thought. (shrink)

This paper undertakes an in-depth examination of the intriguing argument for the existential import of negative propositions by the fifteenth-century Ottoman scholar Hatibzâde Mehmed (d. 1496) and the counterarguments by his disciple, Taşköprizâde Kâsım (d. 1513). It argues that this discussion is a significant example of Ottoman scholars engaging in long-standing disputes concerning the nature and ontological ground of negative propositions, which date back to Plato and Aristotle. It is also intended to underline the need for considering not only logic (...) texts but also works primarily associated with other disciplines in order to attain a comprehensive picture of logical discussions in the post-classical period of Islamic thought. (shrink)

Memlûk Devleti’nin kuruluş yılları ile ilgili literatürde pek çok çalışma mevcuttur. Bunlar genellikle sultanların memlûk kökenli olmalarından dolayı devletin meşruiyeti meselesini merkeze almaktadırlar. Memlûkların bu sorunu aşmak için kendilerini İslam’ın koruyucuları kimliğiyle öne çıkardıkları anlatılmaktadır. Bu anlatıma göre İslam’ın koruyucusu olmak ileride kuracakları müstakil devletlerini meşrulaştıracaktı. Ancak bu argüman, devletin oluşumunu büyük oranda Haçlı-Moğol saldırıları gibi dışsal unsurlara karşı yapılan başarılı mücadelelere bağlamaktadır. Bu durum Memlûk Devleti’nin oluşumunun ardında yatan pek çok nedenin göz ardı edilmesine neden olmaktadır. Devletin dışsal unsurlara (...) karşı yürüttüğü mücadelelerden meşruiyet devşirdiği kabul edilmekle birlikte, bu çalışma, hizipler arası çekişmelere odaklanarak bu mücadeleler dolayısıyla devletin dinamik bir hâl aldığını ortaya koymaktadır. Bu bakımdan Memlûk iktidarının kendi içindeki dönüşümünde Eyyûbîler zamanında beri faal olan hizipler arası mücadele dikkate alınmak durumundadır. Ayrıca Memlûklar’da sıklıkla bahsedilen argümanlar arasında bulunan sultan öldürerek sultan olmak gibi anlatımlar mevcut olmasına rağmen devlet sisteminin işleyişinde herkes tarafından bilinen ve yazılı olmayan kaidelerden olan seçkin emîrlerin belirleyici gücü dikkate alınmalıdır. Zira bu ıskalandığında hizipler arası mücadelelerin getirdiği neticeler de göz ardı edilecektir. Bu kaidelerde/sistemde yalnızca sultan değişmiyor aynı zamanda iktidarda bulunan seçkin elit kadroda da bir dizi değişiklikler hasıl oluyordu. Sultan ve seçkin emîrler arasındaki otokrasi-oligarşi çatışması her daim yaşanmaktaydı. Ne zaman ki oligarşik gücü sağlayan emîrlerden biri sultan olur, işte o zaman sultan ile seçkin emîrler arasında iktidar mücadelesi başlardı. Bu durumda sultan açmazda kalarak otoritesini ihdas edebilmek amacıyla kendisine yeni bir hizip kurardı. Dolayısıyla Memlûk Devleti’nin oluşumu noktasında hizipler arası mücadele devletin oluşumunu ve iktidarın değişimini sağlayan en önemli etkenlerdendi. Nitekim resmen olmasa da de facto olarak Âdiliyye, Kâmiliyye ve Sâlihiyye gibi memlûk hiziplerinin de devlet gücünü ellerinde tuttukları bilinen bir gerçektir. Diğer taraftan bu çalışma, süreç içerisinde Sâlihiyye-Bahriyye memlûklarının devletleşmesini sağlayan koşulları bütünsel bir yaklaşımla ele almaktadır. Ayrıca sultanın memlûkları (el-memâlikü’s-sultaniyye) ile hûşdâşları arasındaki gerilimin iktidarın el değiştirmesini nasıl etkilediğini tartışmaktadır. Spesifik olarak Bahriyye-Muʿizziyye arasındaki mücadeleye odaklanan bu çalışma, Memlûk devletinin kuruluş yıllarında iktidarın oluşumu, sürdürülmesi ve değişiminin nasıl gerçekleştiğini incelemektedir. Son olarak çalışmada genel olarak erken Memlûk dönemine ait kronikler ve hususi olarak Memlûk sultanlık anlayışına hasredilmiş çalışmalar sadedinde sultan-seçkin emîrler arasındaki arka plan çatışmaları, iktidar devşirmeleri vb. hadiselerin devletin oluş-bozuluşunda oynadığı rol esas alınmaktadır. (shrink)

It is possible to say that there have been ambivalent approaches regarding Omar's practices arising from the irregularities in the last two centuries. He is sometimes portrayed as a reformist acting differently from the way in the Quran and practices of the Prophet. Indeed, it is desired to establish a basis for legitimacy that such an attitude can be exhibited against the Quran and the Prophet. Moreover, it can be said that through this approach, it is aimed to make some (...) people’s conception of religion based on the Islamic ground through Omar. The most common examples given claiming the changes in time and circumstances are that Omar did not apply hand cutting punishment for the crime of theft despite the apparent related verse and not distribute the Sevâd land. On the other hand, it is asserted that it is obligatory to be contingent up on the practice of the Prophet, claiming that Omar behaved unlike in the case of three talaq divorces. In both approaches, it is pre-accepted that, Omar adopted different practices from Prophet’s. Studies conducted in the area related to Omar practices are the studies carried out according to their own perspectives in order to prove the suitability of Omar applications to the Qur'an. In addition to these valuable works, the echo of the Omar practices in the sects from the first period is an important step that needs to be addressed in the first place. This study investigates how the sects dealt with Omar practices and how they comment these practices. (shrink)

In this article, the effects of Internet use on the perception of loneliness of university students are investigated. The research sample consists of 202 university students studying medicine at Abant Izzet Baysal University. Demographic questions, “UCLA loneliness scale” and “ Internet Cognitive Status Scale (IBSQ)” were used in the study. The results of the questionnaires were transferred to SPSS and Mann Whitney U, Kruskal Wallis H and Spearman correlation analysis were performed. As a result of the analysis, it was observed (...) that men had a sense of solitude more than girls. It has been determined that internet use and the time allocated to the internet is more in men. In addition, the time allocated to the internet, economic situation, age, according to the variables lived in the perception of loneliness and problem with the use of Internet has been seen to be significantly different. According to the scores of the UCLA scale and the IBSQ scale, 92,1% of students have a mild and moderate sense of solitude and 7,9% have a dense sense of Solitude. 88.1% of students use normal and 11,9% problem-free internet. When the scores obtained from the scales were examined, it was found that the scores obtained from the UCLA scale (35.76±7.84) and the scores obtained from the IBD scale (97.14±31.83) were determined. In the correlation analysis, where the impact of Internet use on loneliness perception of the students was measured, it was concluded that there was a weak correlation (R=0.327 and p=0.000) and therefore the problem of Internet use affected loneliness perception even at a low level. (shrink)

Yūsuf al-Ardabīlī is one of the Shāfiʿī jurists who lived in Azerbaijan in the 8th century of Hijri. This scholar, whose birth date we couldn’t find any information about, even though it has been searched in both local and foreign literature, died in Ardabīl in the year 799/1397 as bibliographical scholars agreed on. Ardabīlī is a person known by his work al-Anwār li-aʿmāl al-abrār, which he dedicated to Shāfiʿī jurisprudence, and someone with jurisprudential knowledge whom Shāfiʿī jurists benefit from. In (...) his work on jurisprudence (furūʿ al-fiqh), al-Anwār, he discussed the issues without delving deeply into evidences and partially mentioned uṣūl al-fiqh. Yūsuf al-Ardabīlī addressed the topics in his work by classifying them as acts of worship (ʿibādāt), transactions (muʿāmalāt), inheritance (farāʾiḍ), marriage and divorce (munākaḥāt-mufāraqāt), punishments (ʿuqūbāt), the conduct of judges (adab al-qāḍī), and freeing slaves (ʿitq). Moreover, in his work, he provides explanations that shed light on recent studies by addressing the subject of fatwā in detail. By addressing the fatwā institutions, Ardabīlī includes information on topics like the etiquette of istiftāʾ, fatwā with sharīʿah tricks (ḥiyal sharʿiyyah), and exceptions in divorce (ṭalāq). Because no academic studies have been done on his explanations in this field, the subject requires further attention. Additionally, presenting his explanations on the fatwā institution to the scholarly community is greatly important for shedding light on future studies. Islamic jurists recognize fatwā activities as a duty that requires responsibility in terms of religion and worldly life. Therefore, they do not favor the participation of those who lack knowledge and the capability of deducing religious rulings from sharīʿah evidences in fatwā activities.This study aims to contribute to the Islamic jurisprudence literature by addressing the principles of fatwā procedure through Ardabīlī’s perspective in his work, al-Anwār. (shrink)

Yūsuf al-Nabhānī (d. 1932) became famous in the world of science with many works he wrote in the fields of Hadith and Kalam. On the other hand, he is a person who has proven himself with his works and poems in the field of madīh nabawī. For this reason, he was also referred to as Hassān and Busīrī of the period in which he lived. His diwan named al-Sābiqātu'l-jiyād fī madhi seyyidi'l-'ibād is an important work that contains the poems he (...) sang in the type of prophetic madīh nabawī. The divan in question consists of ten couplet odes in which each letter of the alphabet is determined as a rhyme. In these odes, which he wrote to express his love for the Prophet and for some other religious reasons, the influence of classical Arabic poetry and especially Būsīrī can be found. Mystical thought also has a great influence on the poems of Yūsuf al-Nabhānī. As a matter of fact, the narration of the Prophet in his poems is generally shaped in line with the concept of al-Haqīqa al-Muhammedī/al-Nūr al-Muhammedî. In this study, Yūsuf al-Nabhānī will be discussed as a madīh nabawī poet within the framework of his divan. In this context, the content and stylistic structure of his poems will be examined in the axis of literary criteria, and the effect of mystical thought on his poems will be tried to be explained in general terms. (shrink)

Kelime olarak ‘öncekiler’ anlamında selef kökünden türetilen Salafism, ‘öncekilerin izini takip edenlerin yolu’ demektir ve bir tür dinsel tutuculuk ve muhafazakârlık anlamına gelmektedir. İslam geleneğinde Islamic tenetlara katı ve literal bağlılığı ve dinin saf asıllarına dönüşü ifade eden Salafism, günümüzde İslami ilimler, siyaset bilimi ve uluslararası ilişkiler gibi alanlarda dinsel radikalizm ve köktencilikle eşanlamlı olarak kullanılmaktadır. Geleneksel formuyla, dinsel akılcılığa ve yorum yanlısı olmaya karşı bir duruş üzerinden kendini kuran Salafism, din içi çoğulculuğa ve sekülerizme karşı öze dönüşcü bir tepkiyi (...) temsil etmektedir. Dinin özüne dönüşü savunan Salafi paradigma, Müslüman medeniyetinin düşünsel ve sanatsal başarı ve ürünlerine de kuşkuyla bakar, bu yönüyle de kültür karşıtı bir tutumu temsil eder. Selefi eylemci grupların İslam medeniyetine ve diğer kültürlere verdikleri zarar bunun somut örneklerini oluşturmaktadır. Bu çalışma modern zamanlarda Salafism parlamasına yol açan nedenler üzerinde yoğunlaşmaktadır. Çalışmada, toplumsal değişim, modernleşme ve sekülerleşme karşısında hangi dinsel ve toplumsal kaygıları temsil ettiği analiz edilmektedir. Salafismin Sünnilik ile ilişkisi incelenmekte ve onu Sünnîliğin dışında göstermeye çalışan yaklaşımların yanıltıcı yanlarını vurgulamaktadır. Disiplinler arası yaklaşımla konuyu ele alan çalışma, teoloji ile siyaset bilimi ve uluslararası ilişkilerin kesişme alanında analizler içermektedir. Selefilik ile ilgili kavramsal analizler, bu kavramın İslam öncesi köklerini ortaya koymaktadır. Aslında her toplumda rastlanan ve geçmiş bir öz atfetme ve bugünü yönetme ihtiyacı Araplarda ‘ataların yoluna tâbi olma’ şeklinde belirir. Geçmişin kutsanması, yeniliklerden ve farklılıklardan kuşku duymayı doğurur. Selefîlik tarafından temsil edilen ‘İslamî özcülük’ değişime karşı sabitliği, çoğulculuğa karşı özcülüğü, akla karşı nassı, ibtida yerine ittiba’yı savunur. Dinî konularda katı nassçı ve literal tutumu benimsediği için kelam, felsefe ve tasavvufu dinden uzaklaşma sayar. Tarihe bakışta kötüye gidiş, özden uzaklaşma ve çürüme düşüncesine bağlıdır. Modern dönemlerde İslam dünyası çok yönlü bir kriz ve çöküş yaşamıştır. Siyasal alanda başlayan sorunlar kimlik ve değerler alanına doğru genişlemiştir. Kimliği, özü ve inancı koruma kaygıları radikal bir tutuculuk olarak selefiliği beslemiştir. Krizlerin artarak devam ettiği İslam dünyasında Selefilik bir düşünce, inanç, yaşam tarzı ve eylem türü olarak ilgi çekmektedir. Ancak yaşanabilir bir alternatif üretmek yerine tepkisel bir duruşu temsil etmekte, minimal ve sert bir dinî yaşantıyı savunmaktadır. Ayrıca kültüre ve sanata yönelik sert yaklaşımı, İslam medeniyeti açısından nihilist bir bakışı ifade etmektedir. Sünnî dünyada Selefilik ile ilgili bir kafa karışıklığı göze çarpmaktadır. Bu karışıklık tarihsel ve teolojik olarak selefiliğin Sünnilik tarafından benimsenmesi ile ilgilidir. Oysa güçlenen yeni Selefilik mevcut Sünnî kimliğini oluşturan unsurları reddetmektedir. Bu Sünnilik açısından kriz içeren bir durumdur. Kelam, fıkıh ve tasavvuf bilgisine dayalı kapsayıcı Sünnilik ile katı nasscı ve dışlayıcı Selefilik arasındaki teolojik gerilim hala devam etmektedir. (shrink)

Belâgat ilmi, Arap dilinin özelliklerini kavramada ve gizemlerini anlama konusunda önemli bir yere sahiptir. İslam’la birlikte lafzıyla mûcize olan Kur’ân-ı Kerîm inmiş ve sonrasında bu kitapla belâgat ve hitabet konusunda zirvede bulunan Araplara meydan okunmuştur. Nitekim Kur’ân-ı Kerîm’in indirildiği dönemde muhatabı olan toplum Belâgat ve Fesahat konusunda son derece başarılı bir toplumdu. İşte Kur’ân-ı Kerîm’in böyle bir meydan okumasına bakılarak belâgat açısından ne kadar zengin olduğu daha da fazla anlaşılmaktadır. Aynı zamanda Kur’ân hitap açısından öyle bir üslup kullanmıştır ki İslam’a (...) karşı olan kimseler bile bu üslup karşısında hayretler içerisinde kalmışlardır. Hayret etmeleri dışında kendilerinden bir benzerini getirmeleri talep edilmesi karşısında da aciz kaldıkları kanıtlanmıştır. Kur’ân-ı Kerîm’in içeriğinde ve üslubunda görülmeyen, yüzeysel olarak bakıldığında hemen anlaşılmayan, derin araştırma sonucu ulaşılan edebî güzelliklere ve ayetlerin nazmında gizlenmiş edebî sanatlara Belâgat ilmi yardımıyla ulaşılır. Bu bakımdan Arap dili ilimlerinden gerek Sarf ve Nahiv ilmi olsun gerekse Belâgat ilmi olsun Kur’ân-ı Kerîm’deki sûreler ve ayetlerin doğru anlaşılması konusunda önem arz eden ilimlerdir. Kur’ân-ı Kerîm’in her sûresi Belâgat ilmi açısından kendisinde birçok edebî sanatı barındırmaktadır. Mesela Kur’ân-ı Kerîm’in ilk sûresi olan Fâtiha sûresinin edebî yönden oldukça zengin bir sûre olduğu söylenmiştir. Fâtiha sûresinin edebî yönden olan bu zenginliği dolaylı olarak manasına da açık bir şekilde etki etmiştir. Bu minvalde Fâtiha sûresinin sadece Ebû Hayyân’ın “el-Baḥrü'l-muḥîṭ” adlı eserinde belirtmiş olduğu edebî sanatlarının tanıtımı ve açıklaması yapılmıştır. Bu eser etrafında amacımız belâgat ilmi içerisinde edebî sanatların ayetler üzerinde anlam bakımından katkılarını araştırmaktır. Çalışma da bahsi geçen edebî sanatlar genel olarak Arap dili ve Belâgat ilminden bahseden kaynaklardan araştırılmış ve incelenmiştir. Bu sanatlar hakkında elde edilen bilgilere ve tespitlere de burada yer verilmiştir. Bu edebî sanatların genel olarak oluşumu, Fâtiha sûresinde var olan birden fazla kıraat vücûhâtının belâgat ilmi açısından tahlil edilmesi ve anlamsal bağlamda söz dizime kattığı mana derinliği doğrultusunda gerçekleşmiştir. İçerikteki konular üzerinde derin bir açıklama yapılmaya çalışılmış ancak amacın dışına çıkılmamaya gayret edilmiştir. Konular kısaca ifade edilerek bu sanatların ayette nerede ve nasıl ortaya çıktığından bahsedilmiştir. Bu çalışmamızda Belâgat ilmi ve sanatları veciz bir şekilde ele alınmaya çalışılmış ayrıca edebî sanatların ayetler üzerindeki etkileri ortaya çıkarılmaya çalışılmıştır. Son olarak da bu edebî sanatların Kur’ân-ı Kerîm’i anlama bakımından ne kadar önemli olduğu çalışmanın genelinde anlatılmaya çalışılmıştır. (shrink)

Yazar bu eserde, Osmanlı Aile Hukuku’nun kaynağını, uygulama örneklerini ve dönüşüm serüvenini, farklı şehirlerdeki mahkeme sicillerinden hareketle ele almaktadır. İslam aile hukukunun, özel de Hanefî mezhebinin Osmanlı imparatorluğundaki pratik uygulamalarının sicillere yansıyan somut tarafının örneklerini aksettirmektedir. Genel itibariyle fıkıh kaynaklarındaki görüşlerle uygulamanın problemsizdir. Ancak, bazı ihtilaflı konularda Hanefî mezhebine ait furû kaynaklardaki görüşler uygulamada sıkıntıya sebep olmuştur. Devlet erki, sıkıntılı durumları bertaraf etmek için Şeyhülislam’ın talebiyle kanunnâme, adâletnâme ve fermanlarla devreye girerek çare aradığı açıklanmıştır. İslam Aile Hukuku’nun uygulamasıyla ilgili olarak (...) bu kayıtların yanında Osmanlı ülkesinde bulunmuş seyyah, elçi ve araştırmacılarında gözlem ve notları aktarılmış. Özellikle çelişki akseden kısımlarına vurgu yapılmıştır. Konu kitapta, Klasik Dönem ve Tanzimat Sonrası Osmanlı Aile Hukuku olarak iki bölüme ayrılarak incelenmiştir. İkinci bölüm içerisinde yer alan Hukûk-ı Aile Kararnamesi’nin hazırlanmasıyla İslam/Osmanlı aile hukukunda dört mezhebin görüşlerine yer verilerek radikal bir değişikliğe gidildiği belirtilmiştir. (shrink)

Bu araştırma, Birinci Mushaf Projesi’nden yarım asır sonra gerçekleşen önemli bir projeyi ortaya çıkarmayı hedeflemektedir. Bu proje, hicrî 84 ve 85 yılları arasında Irak’ın Vâsıt şehrinde zamanın Kûfe ve Basra (Irâkeyn) valisi Haccâc b. Yûsuf’un (ö. 95/714) girişimi ve Emevî Halifesi Abdülmelik b. Mervân’ın desteğiyle uygulamaya koyulmuştur. Projenin yürütülmesini ise Hasan-ı Basrî (ö. 110/728) üstlenmiş ve hafızlar, kâtipler ve kârîler gibi çok sayıda uzman kişiden oluşan komisyonlara başkanlık etmiştir. Bu çalışmada Giriş’in ardından bu projeye yol açan etkenlerden söz edilmiştir. Bunların (...) başında da üçüncü Halife Osman’ın başlattığı Kur’an metninde birliğin sağlanması düşüncesi gelmektedir. Daha sonra bu projenin sahibi Haccâc’tan bahsedilmiş, bu projenin nerede ve ne zaman gerçekleştiği, projede yer alan önemli şahsiyetlerin kimler olduğu şeklindeki bir dizi soru cevaplanmıştır. Daha sonra Proje’nin hedefleri hakkında ayrıntılara girilmiş, Haccâc’ın Osman Mushaf’ında toplam on bir harfte değişiklik yaptığı isnâdında bulunan rivayetler tartışılmış, bu rivayetler incelenerek eleştiri süzgecinden geçirilmiş ve İkinci Mushaf Projesi’nin Hz. Peygamber ve hulefâ-i râşidîn döneminde gerçekleştirilen Birinci Mushaf Projesi’ni tamamlayıcı mahiyette olduğu sonucuna ulaşılmıştır. Ardından İslam devletinin tanık olduğu siyasi çalkantıların ardından İkinci Mushaf Projesi’nin akıbetinin ne olduğu hususuna değinilmiştir. (shrink)

Yaygın din eğitimi örgün din eğitimin dışında bireylerin dini ihtiyaçlarını gidermek için resmi ya da özel kuruluşlar vasıtasıyla her bireye planlı ve amaçlı olarak verilen eğitimdir. Günümüzde yaygın din eğitimini şekillendiren temel kurum Diyanet İşleri Başkanlığıdır. Diyanet İşleri Başkanlığı yaygın din eğitimini cami içi ve cami dışı olarak yerine getirmektedir. Cami içi yaygın din eğitimi ise; vaaz, hutbe ve kuran öğretimi ile yapılmaktadır. Bu eğitimlerden olan hutbe, Müslümanları ilgilendiren bütün konuları ele alarak topluma dini bilgileri öğretmek; insanlarda olumlu yönde davranış (...) değişikliği oluşturmak, hedef kitlenin iman, ahlak ve toplumsal farkındalık bakımından duyarlı hale gelmesini sağlamak için bireylere yardımcı olmaktır. Yaklaşık olarak aynı dönemlerde doğmuş, aynı dönemin özelliklerini paylaşmış, benzer sorumluluklara sahip bireyler aynı kuşak bireyleri olarak tanımlanır. 1990-2015 yılları arasında doğmuş büyümüş bireyler Z kuşağı bireyleri olarak adlandırılmaktadır. Bu kuşak bireyleri interneti kullanma, teknolojiyi sevme, görsele aşina, üretken ve eşitlikçi gibi özelliklere sahiptir. Bu durum Z kuşağının sosyalleşmesinde, yaşam alışkanlıklarında ve öğrenme sitillerinde farklıları beraberinde getirmiştir. Yaygın din eğitim nesiller arasındaki bu farklılıkları dikkate alarak bireylerin kendilerini geliştirmelerine ve bilgilerini güncellemelerine yardım etmelidir. Bu sebeple yaygın din eğitimi Z kuşağının ihtiyaçlarını dikkate alarak farklı metot ve etkinlikleri geliştirmesi gerekir. Bu bağlamda Z kuşağının gözüyle Cuma hutbelerinin nasıllığı önemli hale gelmektedir. Buradan hareketle Z kuşağının Cuma hutbelerine karşı tutumlarını incelemek için Cuma hutbeleri değerlendirilmiştir. Araştırmamız, Z kuşağının Cuma Hutbelerini algılamalarını incelemek amacıyla tanımlayıcı araştırma tasarımı ile yürütülmüştür. Araştırmanın evrenini Konya İli Seydişehir, Beyşehir ilçesinde 14-25 yaş aralığındaki 175 birey oluşturmaktadır. Veriler araştırmacılar tarafından hazırlanan ‘Birey Tanılama Formu’ ve ‘Cuma Hutbelerine İlişkin Bilgi Formu’ aracılığıyla toplanmıştır. Araştırmada, verilerin analizinde IBM SPSS (IBM Statistical Package for Social Sciences Corp.; Armonk, NY, ABD) 25.0 programı kullanılmıştır. Araştırma verileri değerlendirilirken kategorik değişkenler için frekans dağılımı (sayı, yüzde), sayısal değişkenler için tanımlayıcı istatistikler (ortalama, standart sapma) kullanılmıştır. Araştırmaya katılan katılımcıların yaş ortalamaları 17.04’dir. Katılımcıların çoğunluğunun lise öğrencisi olduğu görülmüştür. Araştırmada Z kuşağının Cuma hutbelerine katılım sağladığı, hutbelerden umut bekledikleri, olumlu yönden etkilendikleri görülmüştür. Ancak Cuma hutbelerindeki konuların yerel ve güncel konuları ele almadığı ifade ederek anlatılan konuların hatırlamadıkları, aynı konuların tekrar ettiği, gençlere yönelik olmadığına ulaşılmıştır. Ayrıca hutbelerin sunumu, süresi ve imamların yaklaşımlarından dolayı problemler yaşandığı tespit edilmiştir. (shrink)

Yûsuf b. Hussein al-Kirmāstī (d. 900/1494), a figure who lived in the 15th century, studied under scholars of his time such as Khujazāda Muṣliḥuddīn Efendi (d. 893/1488). Kirmāstī was from the district of Kirmāstī (Mustafakemalpaşa) in Bursa. Yûsuf b. Hussein al-Kirmāstī was a qadi (judge) during the reign of Sultan Bâyezid II (1481-1512). Kirmāstī, originally from Kirmāstī (Mustafakemalpaşa), Bursa, established a medrese (theological school) in Istanbul named Kirmâstî. After serving as a lecturer in various madrasahs, he transitioned to the judicial (...) field, carrying out qadi duties in Bursa and Istanbul. His just decisions and courageous stance during his tenure as a qadi earned him the appreciation of Sultan Bâyezid II. Kirmāstī, who had a mosque, a madrasah, and a school in Istanbul, is known to have had an additional school in his hometown of Kirmāstī. He passed away in 900/1494 and was buried next to the school he built in Fatih Mosque. This study aims to reintroduce Kirmāstī to the contemporary academic world from a fresh perspective, considering his proficiency in religious and linguistic sciences of the time, including rhetoric, badiʿ, bayān, uṣūl, fiqh, debate and ʿaqāid. The focus is on this study the stylistic elements of literary technique styles (al-muḥassināt al-maʿnewiyyah) within his specific work titled “al-Mukhtār fi-l-maʿānī wa-l-bayān”. Through this exploration, the significant Ottoman scholar and his works are presented, followed by an analysis of the literary technique styles in “al-Mukhtār fi-l-maʿānī wa-l-bayān” bringing attention to interested parties. (shrink)

Yusuf el-Karadâvî’nin alanında en kapsamlı çalışma olan Fıkhü’z-Zekât isimli eseri bağlamında “fî sebîlillâh” kavramının ne anlama geldiğini ele aldık. Dünya Müslümanlarından büyük kitlelerin takip ettiği Karadâvî, verdiği fetvalarda günümüz şartlarını göz önünde bulundurmuştur. Konuları ele alırken kendi tercih ettiği görüşünü söylemekten çekinmemiştir. “Fî sebîlillâh” kavramını bütün mezhepler cihad ve Allah yolunda cihad eden gaziler olarak anlamıştır. Böyle anlaşılması İslam’ın yayılış dönemindeki sosyopolitik şartlarla yakından ilgilidir. Karadâvî “fî sebîlillâh” kavramının cihad anlamına geldiğini kabul etmiştir. Cihadın anlaşılmasının kuvvetli delillerinin olduğunu belirtmiştir. (...) Ancak cihadın da askeri savaş olarak anlaşılmasının sınırlı bir anlam olduğunu, cihad kavramının kapsamının geniş olduğunu ifade etmiştir. (shrink)

The Umayyad State is widely criticized in the West as well as in its own region. Actually, this is normal situation. Because Hijaz Arabs who had no state experience, built a multinational state in short period of time. Yet, this caused serious matters. The fundamental point of the criticism is the payment of tax, also called jizya, which is taken from residents (mawālī) of Khorasan and Transoxania. However, in most studies on this subject, it is understood that the jizya taken (...) from mawālī is combined jizya and kharja, which is different type of tax. Although mawālī was tested for whether it passes religious criteria in critic periods or not, this situation did not last throughout the entire Umayyad history. It was continued for fifteen and twenty years. In this period, it was understood that the jizya tax taken from the mawālī, was caused by the unlawful practices of some regional governors, most of them were non-Muslim local tax officials and all their purpose was to collect the amount of combined jizya. It cannot be said that the Umayyad caliphs officially ordered written instructions in order to take the conceptual sense from the mawālī part. But some Khorasan governors, who detected that taxes were decreasing, blinked at the collection of the jizya from the mawālī.Summary: The tax policies of a state are of great importance for the political, social, and economic stability. A regular tax system minimizes the problems that the state mechanism might face. The establishment of a fair and just tax scheme is undoubtedly possible with a deep-rooted state experience. It is known that the Umayyad state which is the subject of this research has no state experience. Furthermore, ruling to the area which is on 13 million square kilometers and reaching to Kashgar in the East and to South France in the West and governing this multinational structure who are living on these regions, put the Umayyad government in a very difficult condition. With the vast borders and the stoppage of the conquests, some political, social and economic problems were experienced and these problems deeply affected the government. The groups which had argued with Shiites and Khārijites because of some various reasons led the country into collapsing. It is also known that many plague epidemics in the region of Damascus affected the society in a negative way, changing the capital and changing some of the border cities in favor of the Eastern Roman Empire.All these negativities certainly shaken the Umayyad state economically. It is understood from the data that the instability and political uncertainties in the country led to a decrease in the tax rates. For example, the Umayyad caliph ‘Abd al-Malik İbn Marwān period, only half of the tax was collected at the time of Hazrat ‘Umar could be collected. It can be said that the public who avoided the general policies of the state avoided giving tax, in other words, the tax evasion. Also, the increasing migration from village to city and due to that, the vacancy of tribute tax collected land, failure to obtain expected yield because of rent fights on fertile lands, and conversion process in non-Muslim community are included in other reasons of reduction of taxes.In the Umayyad period, the issue of taking the jizya from the mawālī can be considered in this context. We do not have an independent work or research article on how this practice was initiated, how it was and how it was taken from mawālī, and how it was a state policy, and how long it was sustained. The studies that touch on this subject are far from being holistic. Even in the main sources it is seen that the concepts of kharāj and jizya are not fully understood and therefore used interchangeably. This may be considered normal for the first period in which the concepts are not in place. However, in the following centuries, the works that were copyrighted and, except for a few, instead of understanding and explaining this confusion, chose to use the word jizya from these two words which can be used interchangeably in texts. Therefore, this approach has led to the widespread conviction that the Umayyad state has taken jizya from the mawālī in the conceptual sense.Al-Ḥajjāj ibn Yūsuf is claimed to have started the application of taken jizya from mawālī. However, Haccac aimed to provide the regularity of both agricultural products and the kharāj which is taken from farmers because of the status of the soil by sending Sawad villagers who migrated to the big cities and became Muslims by changing their religions. The status of the lands seized was decisive in taxation. According to this, the conquest and the territorial lands were taxed differently, but in some cases the same tax (kharāj) was taken. Non-Muslims who living in the territory of conquest were demanded jizya per capita. The jizya and kharāj tax collected from this category can be expressed as “joint jizya”. Regardless of whether the person is a Muslim or not, the fact that he was demanded from him due to the status of the land was interpreted by some researchers as juristic. However, in times of political instability, it is also a fact that mawālī is demanding jury in addition to the tribute tax. The point that is misunderstood or interpreted is that this practice was carried out throughout the entire Umayyad territory and the history. When examined, this distorted tax concept is actually concentrated in the area of Transoxania. Although some attempts were made to take the jizya from the mawālī to the country, the Umayyad caliphs have not allowed it. The practice of taking the jizya from the mawālī is actually followed by the killing Qutayba ibn Muslim al-Bāhilī (d. 96/715). This started political instability in the Transoxania and continued by some Khurāsān governors. These governors act according to the provocations of the Turkish governors and tax collectors of the region in order to be able to send their taxes completely. They claimed that the region in the region was not a sincere Muslim and, they continued to take the jizya from them.It can be said that jizya is not demanded as it is taken from non-Muslims in the common meaning from mawālī. Because any Umayyad caliph wrote no written instructions regarding this issue in the sources. It is understood that until the caliphate of ‘Umar b. ‘Abd al-‘Azîz, the Umayyad caliphs were not even aware of this distorted tax policy in the area of Transoxania. To put it once again, this practice was initiated by some Khurāsān governors with the concern that tax revenues might decrease. However, it should not be forgotten that this unfair practice after 96/715 is limited to certain governors. For example, during the tenure of Naṣr b. Seyyâr, the last governor of Khurāsān (120-131 / 738-748), the jizya tax was completely removed from the mawālī. Another activity that shows this action is regional and that was ordered by some governors of Khurāsān. Therefore, this practice does not reflect the Umayyad state policy. This is also apparent in the fact that the Shiites, Kharijites, and those who carried out the Abbasid Revolution for thirty-two years, did not make an anti-Umayyad propaganda with provoking the slave by the way of wrong application. (shrink)

This article aims to investigate and analyze Yusuf b. Muhammad Jān al-Karabāghī's (d. 1035/1626) treatise in which he discusses some issues related to existence (wujūd) and the Necessary Being (wājib al-wujūd). This study aims to bring this treatise of al-Karabāghī, which has not been studied yet, into the literature of the history of Islamic thought by investigating and analyzing its content. There is no information about Yusuf al-Karabāghī's birthplace and education in bio-bibliographical sources. It is known that he (...) wrote works in the fields of tafsīr and theology (kalām). Some of his works are Erbau' Ta'līkātin fi't-Tafsīr, Risāla fi'l-Mubāḥasa allatī waka'at fī surat al-Fath bayna al-ulamā, Hāshiya 'alā Sharhi'l-Aqā'id al-Adudiyya, Sharḥ Risāla Ithbāt al-wājib li al-Dawwānī. Three copies of this treatise, which is the subject of this study, have been identified in manuscript libraries. The first of these copies is listed as MS 791 in Selimiye Manuscript Library, the second is listed as MS 1210 in Suleymaniye Library, Carullah Efendi Collection, and the third is listed as 1960 in Suleymaniye Library, Manuscript Donations Collection. Among the mentioned copies, the copy registered in Selimiye Library ms. no 791 was preferred as the main one in the analysis both because it is very clear and readable, and because of the scribes’s collation note in the ferağ record. This is because the scribe wrote this copy in correspondence with other copies that existed in his period but have not survived to the present day. The author does not explicitly mention the name of this treatise in the introduction. In the introductory part of the treatise, he states that he has collected topics that will serve as a remedy for finding the right thought. When its content is analyzed, it is understood that the treatise includes some issues related to existence (wujūd) and especially the Necessary Being (wājib al-wujūd). It is seen that the author followed a different method in the treatise. Yusuf al-Qarabāghī divided the treatise into seven chapters, which he called "halwa". He also added subheadings to each section, sometimes one and sometimes two, which he called "waqf". In these sub-headings he added to each section, he included the views of a thinker who is an authority on the subject he examined. In the treatise, the author examines the methods of demonstration such as burhān al- tatbīq, burhān al- tazāyuf, burhān al-sullamī and concepts such as revolution, succession, wujūd, wājib al-wujūd, possible, qadīm, hadīth, cause, ma'lūl, complete cause, nūr, zulm, al-ālam al-misālī, berzāh, and juz al lā yetajjazā (jawhar al-fard). In this framework, he discusses Karabāğī's proof of the existence of the Necessary Being through the cancellation of the vicious circle and infinite regression (tasalsul), the unity of the Necessary Being (tawḥīd), the relation between essence and attribute, and the attribute of knowledge of the Necessary Being. As a result, in this treatise, Yusuf al-Karabāghī analyzed some debates and views on existence (wujūd) and the concept of Necessary Being, which is an important issue in the tradition of Islamic thought, employing his unique methodological approach. (shrink)

There have been many famine incidents in the human history. Some of these have resulted in the disaster of the people. Muslims have also suffered from these famines. There have been countless famine examples from the time of the Prophet. One of the most significant of these famines is the famine incident that was effective in Madinah and its surroundings during the khalīfat of Umar bin al-Hattab (d. 23/644). This famine, corresponding to the 6th year of the khalīfat of (...) Umar, had negative consequences. In this period when the rains were not falling and the soil almost turned to ash, creatures were harmed, and some deaths occurred. When the opportunities in the city were insufficient to eliminate the shortage, the khalif asked for help from the surrounding provinces. The coming help eased the situation for the people. In this famine year, which is known as the Remade year, Umar did not collect zakat from the public, nor applied a sentence to theft in this period. Umar did everything in his power but as the effects of the famine did not lessen, Umar went to the rain prayer for the drought to disappear. When the rain came, life took its normal course and the people who came to Madinah from the rural parts due to the famine were sent back home by the khalīfa.Summary: There have been famine incidences in different geographies throughout human history. The Hejaz region in Saudi Arabia was also affected by these natural disasters. Mecca, which has a particularly dry climate, has witnessed countless famines from pre-Islamic times to the present day. Madinah, which became a center of attraction with the Prophet's migration, struggled with famines in the times of the Prophet as well as in later periods. Among these famines, the famine experienced during the khalīfat of Umar had considerably heavy consequences.The year of the famine in Madinah was recorded as Amurremade, which means the year was given that name because there was no rain at all, and the soil turned int the color of ash and was swept easily by the wind. The famine, which began in the late 17th year of the Hejira and continued until the beginning of the 18th year, lasted approximately nine months. During this time, the soil dried up, the crops did not grow green and the animals perished. The public was exposed to starvation and misery and had nothing in their hands. The bazaars and markets got empty, there was nothing left to buy and sell. People dug in the ground to find food and ate the lizards and moles they found.The famine had an harder impact on the rural areas of Madinah. Those living in the desert had to take refuge in Madinah when they could not find anything to eat. The severe drought even caused deaths in some tribes. The survivors had to eat whatever they could to stay alive. The animals they butchered had no meat, too. Thus, people removed the skins of dead animals and cooked them and gnawed on them or broke the bones of dead animals and ate the crumbs.When the famine continued for a long time, the living conditions of many people changed. Khalif Umar took some precautions to overcome the troubles of the people. First, he gave the food in the central treasury (Beytulmal) in Madinah to the service of those who suffered from famine. When the food in the Beytulmal did not suffice, he called for his governors to send aid to Madinah and its surroundings. The call was answered. Abundant aid was sent to Madinah from Damascus, Kufah, Basra, Egypt and Yemen. Thanks to the help sent, people were relieved. The aid sent from the provinces was planned to be distributed equally to both the people of Madinah and the people who came from outside and settled around Madinah. For this, Umar tried to determine the number of people in need by assigning some people. After the number of people was determined, he prepared a list showing the names and needs of those who suffered from famine. Documents bearing the seal of Umar were given to the public so that they could buy food. The aid also helped to decrease the prices. Because the prices of almost everything, particularly the basic necessities, had reached very high levels.Khalif Umar thanks to donations supported by governors founded also flour silos for those in need. Those who came to Madinah got food such as flour, bread, dates, grapes etc. In addition, some days, twenty camels were butchered and those who suffered from the famine were invited to get hot meals. For those who could not come, food was sent. This practice was continued regularly every month until the famine ended. When Umar could not find anything to distribute, he designated one family that had food to host another family that could not find food. After the rains started, the Khalif sent the Arabs, who came to Madinah in time of the famine back to their countries. He also funded them form treasury so that they could reach their homes comfortably. The Arab tribes were delighted and thanked for the good treatment Umar showed during the famine.Umar did not collect zakah from the goods during the drought period. However, when famine weakened, he took the zakat of two years together. In the same way, he did not apply the punishment to those who fed themselves illegally because of necessity.Umar worked hard to resolve the people's hardship and took all precautions in the famine period. However, the famine maintained its hard impact. Therefore, Umar decided to go for rain prayer and asked his governors to go to rain prayer, too. When people learned that Umar would pray for the rain, they all joined him. Caliph Umar, taking Abbas with him, wished forgiveness from Allah. The prayers were accepted and plenty of rain came down in and around Madinah. So, the famine came to an end and the people took a breath.Umar, the ruler of the Muslims, did not eat anything different from the people during the famine and sometimes was in a worse situation than the others. Many times, he preferred the benefit of others until the famine ended. For this, he was often hungry. This seriously threatened the Caliph Umar's health. These conditions were not limited to the caliph's person but also affected his family. Because Umar’s family members lived in more misery than other families. The conditions continued in this way until the famine lost its effect. (shrink)

Altın, insanlık tarihinde uzun çağlar boyunca para olarak kullanılmıştır. Günümüz piyasalarında ise altının klasik fıkıh kitaplarında yer alan sarf akdine benzer yahut ondan çok daha farklı ve karmaşık mübadele işlemlerine konu olduğu görülmektedir. İşte bu noktada altınla ilgili günümüzdeki işlemlerin İslam hukuku açısından hangi kategoride, nasıl değerlendirileceği sorunu ve bu sorunun çözümü gündeme gelmektedir. Bu yazıda Yusuf Erdem Gezgin’in konuyla ilgili olarak kaleme aldığı “Finansal Piyasalarda Altın Mübadele İşlemleri İslam Hukuku Açısından Bir İnceleme” adlı eserinin tanıtımı yapılacaktır. Yazar, literatüre (...) kazandırdığı bu eserde finansal piyasalardaki altın işlemlerini ele almıştır. (shrink)

Human beings pass through a series of life stages since birth. These stages beginning at the infancy even in the mother’s womb are accompanied with a period extending to the senescence and the last stages of the life. Creation of human beings and various stages of the life are mentioned in the Qurʾān. Besides, it is referred to the senescence. In addition to the expressions sheikh, shayb, ʽajūz and kibar indicating to the senescence, ardhal al-ʿumur is also pointed out in (...) the Qurʾān in this regard. This article aims to identify in which context and meaning the wording regarding ardhal al-ʿumur and senescence are used in the Qurʾān and to reveal the relation between these terms. Since, the term ardhal al-ʿumur and senile dementia are directly correlated in the commentaries usually and the interpretations build the perception that these two expressions are almost synonyms. Are ardhal al-ʿumur and dementia closely associated with each other? Are the other terms in the Qurʾān indicating to the senescence correlated with the dementia? Our study aims to explain the expression ardhal al-ʿumur in the Qurʾān in this regard. Furthermore, the other terms regarding the senescence expressed in the Qurʾān are reviewed in this respect. SUMMARY The Qurʾān tells the creation of human beings and refers to the various stages of their lives as well. The explanations beginning with the creation state the prenatal period, infancy and childhood, adolescence and adulthood of human beings. The Qurʾān refers to the senescence as well, the last stage of the life. In this regard, ardhal al-ʿumur, sheikh, shayb, ʽajūz and kibar are the terms in the Qurʾān associated with the senescence. Especially nowadays, the senescence is a considerable focus of the science, besides being mentioned in the Qurʾān. This article discusses the subject scientifically as well. The senescence is defined with various aspects since it expresses a period having physical, psychological and social dimensions. Furthermore, certain classifications regarding the senescence are made and physiological changes associated with the chronological age are more emphasized. It has been indicated that the senescence is divided into two: biological and chronological aging. According to this chronological aging is the same for everyone while biological aging varies from individual to individual. The senescence is acknowledged as the last development stage of the human life in terms of social sciences and considered as an on-going universal process between birth and death. Therefore, the senescence is interpreted relatively while the aging is interpreted universally. So, everyone gets old; however, the senescence means a life period varying from individual to individual. The senescence affects the individual both health-wise and psychologically, sociologically and economically. In other words; the senescence, a tough period, is a phenomenon which deeply affects the human beings and all their characteristics making them exist. The senescence is addressed in the Qurʾān with various expressions. Ardhal al-ʿumur, foremost among these, is mentioned twice in the Qurʾān (al-Nakhl 16/70, al-Ḥac 22/5). The exegetes generally consider ardhal al-ʿumur as the physiological exhaustion of an individual due to aging and as the period when dementia is experienced. The characteristics of the stage called as ardhal al-ʿumur in the Qurʾān are explained with the following statement: turning into a person who does not know anything from the person who used to know many things. Just because of this sentence, ardhal al-ʿumur is construed with dementia. Are arzali’l-ʽumur and dementia directly interrelated? This article also reviews the other terms stated in the Qurʾān regarding the senescence from this aspect. Sheikh, another expression stated in the Qurʾān regarding the senescence, is mentioned four times (Hūd 11/72, Yūsuf 12/78, al-Qaṣaṣ 28/23, al-Muʼmin 40/67) and it is described with the word kabīr in two of them. The lexical meaning of sheikh is an old person in terms of age and appearance. Moreover, sheikh is used as an adjective to describe the individuals who have wisdom in customs. So, the word sheikh both means an individual who is well on in life and is the expression of supremacy in terms of knowledge and experience. Shayb, another expression stated in the Qurʾān regarding the senescence, is mentioned three times (Maryam 19/4, al-Rūm 30/54, al-Muzzammil 73/17) and means hair greying and describes a physiological change in the senescence. ʽAjūz stated in the Qurʾān for the senescence is mentioned in four different chapters (Hūd 11/72, al-Shuʽarā’ 26/171, al-Ṣāffāt 37/135, al-Dhāriyāt 51/29) and expresses incapacity of performing many actions. ʽAjūz is another expression in the Qurʾān meaning elderliness. The senescence is implied with this expression too; however, the dementia is not mentioned. Kibar, the last wording associated with the senescence, is mentioned in six verses (al-Baqara 2/266; Āl-i-ʽImrān 3/40, Ibrāhim 14/39, al-Hicr 15/54, al-Isrā 17/23, Maryam 19/8). The word kibar means the senescence and physical power loss; nevertheless, is not interpreted as dementia. To our knowledge, the explanations regarding the senescence and dementia in most of the commentaries cannot be corresponded in the Qurʾān as if they are synonyms. This perception can be generated due to the statements pointing out the dementia in the lexical meaning of ardhal al-ʿumur. It is understood in the light of the data acquired by today’s science that the dementia is not a natural result of the senescence but rather one of its risks, which is already proved by the fact that the science discusses the dementia separately from normal aging process. Therefore, there is not a general picture of dementia including all elders. Thus, it is possible to define ardhal al-ʿumur as a later part of life which includes some elders and affects them physiologically, psychologically, sociologically, etc., in addition, they lose their mental faculties in that period. Each expression regarding the senescence in the Qurʾān reveals the picture of the senescence pursuant to the integrity of the Qurʾān. The senescence in the Qurʾān is an ineluctable reality. The fact that this period is clearly expressed in the verses aims that this reality can be perceived by human beings and they can be prepared for this period. Some problems that elders experience are also mentioned in the Qurʾān. When the other terms in the Qurʾān associated with the senescence apart from ardhal al-ʿumur are reviewed, it is seen that the aforementioned problems that may be observed at later ages are hair greying, bone diseases, incapability and weakness in doing some actions. Today, there are various disciplines concerning the elders and the information obtained from these disciplines shows that these problems are a lot more than the ones mentioned in the Qurʾān. However, it is not expected that the Qurʾān discusses the facts as a science book since it is a holy book. When ardhal al-ʿumur is evaluated in the light of scientific data, it appears as a sickness period when some elders experience mental problems such as dementia/blackout. On the one hand, there will be elders who experience these problems; on the other hand, there will be some who do not. All expressions regarding the senescence in the Qurʾān do not lead to the fact that the aging leads to the dementia directly. Ardhal al-ʿumur within the integrity of the Qurʾān expresses that senile dementia affects some individuals while it has not any impact on the others. Therefore, ardhal al-ʿumur is one of the life stages affecting not every elder but some of them. The fact that different terms are stated in the Qurʾān regarding the elders points out various aspects of the aging process creating different effects. The second important reason why the aging is mentioned in the Qurʾān is to emphasize the value of the elders and the respect that should be showed to them. Besides, it is also underlined in the Qurʾān that the elders are so precious that they cannot be left alone socially and psychologically. Furthermore, the elders are the individuals worthy of love and being valued. Thus, it is suggested in the Qurʾān to love, respect and honour the elders and to live with them regardless of whether they will experience ardhal al-ʿumur or not. Therefore, the human beings are reminded to look after the elders, esteem them materially and morally, as they deserve, and to act considering the characteristics of this period. (shrink)

One of the important domestic developments during the Umayyad period is the rebellions carried out by members of the Ahl al-bayt. After the rebellion of Zayd b. ʿAlī in Kufa, his father, Yaḥyā was intensely prosecuted by the governor of Iraq Yūsuf b. ʿUmar, so he moved to Khurāsān, where he would feel more secure and his supporters were located. In fact, ʿAbbāsids, Kaysānī and Zayd b. ʿAlī’s supporters were active in Khurāsān. Under these circumtances, Yaḥyā left Iraq and followed (...) the road Nineveh, Madāʾin, Ray, Nīshāpūr towards the east and came to Sarakhs and resided here about six months. Here, a group from the Khārijites came and made a revolt proposal, but this proposal was rejected by those with Yahya. After this, Yaḥyā continued on his way to the east and came to Balkh and he stayed until the death of the caliph Hishām b. ʿAbd al-Malik. The general purpose of Yaḥyā’s journey from Iraq to Balkh is probably to get rid of the prosecution of Iraqi governor Yūsuf, and to establish the appropriate political atmosphere for the rebellion by contacting the Ahl al-bayt supporters in Khurāsān. The governor of Iraq Yūsuf b. ʿUmar determined the location of Yaḥyā in Balhk, and he ordered the governor of Khurāsān Naṣr b. Sayyār that he ensured Yaḥyā was imprisoned in Marw. However, as his imprisonment was reported to the caliph al-Walīd b. Yazīd, he ordered him to be released. Governor Naṣr advised Yaḥyā to go directly to the caliph and avoid situations that could cause sedition. In this case, Yaḥyā first came to Sarakhs, and then reached Nīshāpūr via Ṭūs. Meanwhile, the Khurāsān governor Naṣr wrote a letter to the governors on the route and ordered them to follow the movements of Yaḥyā and to not allow him to stay in the cities for a long time. Yaḥyā did not advance further west from the city of Bayhaq because he was afraid he might be killed by the Iraqi governor. Therefore, he returned from Bayhaq and came to Nīshāpūr. Here, they confiscated the mounts of a caravan they encountered on the way along with seventy other people, but they also paid their fees. Due to this incident, the governor of Nīshāpūr sent soldiers to Yaḥyā and his entourage, but in the clash that broke out, the supporters of Yaḥyā were successful against the soldiers, who were more than them. Yaḥyā and his followers continued their movements towards Balkh in the east after that. Even though the sources do not fully state the reason for Yaḥyā 's movement to Balkh, the geographical distance and the possible Shīʿī potential in the region may have guided him. However, this time Yaḥyā aimed to reach Balkh via Herat and Jūzjān by traveling in the southeast direction, not via Marw. Upon the news that Yaḥyā reached Jūzjān, the governor Naṣr sent an army of eight thousand men on him. Yaḥyā had to fight against the Umayyad army with his small number of supporters, consisting of seventy or one hundred and twenty people. As a result, he and his supporters were killed. Yaḥyā's head was cut off from his body and sent to the caliph, and his body was hung over the entrance gate of the city of Jūzjān. There are some reasons why the revolt of Yaḥyā failed. First of all, Yaḥyā did not prepare a road map to follow in advance for the rebellion movement, and he could not communicate with a large mass of people and did not set his goal. Secondly, Yaḥyā did not have enough support to resist the Umayyad armies in the rebellion. As a result, we can conclude that Yaḥyā was hidden during the three-year period he spent in Khurāsān because he was under prosecution and therefore could not operate openly. In addition, he could not get enough support from the Shīʿī communities in the region. Although Yaḥyā's rebellion was unsuccessful, it had some effects on the peoples of the region in the following process. Especially the murder of Yaḥyā in Khurāsān helped to create a suitable ground for the ʿAbbāsid revolution. In addition, it ensured that all Shīʿī groups were gathered under the invitation of the ʿAbbāsid "Āl-i Muḥammad”. (shrink)

As ıl adı Ebû Muhammed Abdullah b. Muhammed b. Yusuf b. Abdulmennan El-Hilmi el-Amasi’dir. Daha çok Yusuf Efendizade lakabıyla tanınmı ş tır. 18.yüzyılda ya ş amı ş bir osmanlı alimidir. Osmanlı devletinde kıraat ilminin geli ş mesinde büyük payı vardır. Kıraat sahasında çok sayıda önemli eserler telif etmi ş tir. Dönemin karakeristik özelliklerini yansıtması bakımından en önemli çalı ş malarından birisi de “er-Rediyyetü li’d-Dâd el-Mu’ceme” adlı risalesidir. Bu çalı ş masında saçaklızade diye bilinen el-Mera’ ş i’ye dâd harfinin (...) okunu ş u hakkında cevap vermi ş tir. Saçaklızade’nin “keyfüyetü edai li’d-dâd” adlı risalesi osmanlı alimleri arasında büyük bir polemi ğ e yol açmı ş tır. Bu meyanda kendisine dönemin büyük kıraat âlimlerinden reddiyeler gelmi ş tir. Ş eyhü’l-Kurra müessesinin temsilcil ğ ini yapan Yusuf Efendizade dâd harfini kıraat, tecvid, fıkıh, tefsir ve dil ilimlerine göre de ğ erlendirerek ilmi bir risale yazmı ş tır. Makale, Reis’ul-Kurra Yusuf Efendizade’nin bu risalesini kıraat ilmine bir katkıda bulunmak üzere tahkikli metniyle birlikte sunmayı hedefler. (shrink)

Tasavvuf erbâbı tabîatleri gereği mâddî unsurlardan ziyâde mânevî değerleri muhafaza etmeye ve geliştirmeye çalışırlar. Fakat tasavvufî çevrelerin sosyal bir yapıya bürünmeleriyle berâber düşüncelerini ve değerlerini sembolize etmek için mâddî bir kısım edevât da kullanmışlardır. Bunların başında keşkül, teber, tahta kılıç, asâ, gül, hırka gibi unsular gelir. Bu çalışmamızda dervîşlerin kullandıkları mâddî edevâttan birisi olan tahta kılıç ve ifâde ettiği mânâlara bakacağız ve örnekler üzerinden tahlîl etmeye çalışacağız. Tasavvuf ehli tahta kılıç ile ilgili bir hadîs-i şerîfden yola çıkarak mânevî bir disiplin, (...) ahlakî bir prensip ve nefsânî bir terbiye metodu ortaya koymuşlardır. Yeri geldiğinde cihâd ve mücâhede için zāhir kılıcının yanı sıra bâtın kılıcını kullanmışlardır. Manevî kılıcı sembolize eden tahta kılıcın kullanımına dâir tespit ettiğimiz ilk örnek sahābe döneminde Muhammed b. Mesleme’ye aittir. Yaygın bir şekilde kullanımı ise 1200’lü yıllarda büyük tarîkatların kurulduğu dönemde yânî Abbâsî hilâfeti döneminde olmuştur. Memlüklü dönemi kaynaklarından okuduğumuz kadarıyla Yûsuf Selahaddîn-i Eyyûbî ve berâberindeki kalabalık dervîş gurubu bu unsuru yaygın olarak kullanmışladır. Yûsuf Selahaddîn Eyyûbî’nin hem Bağdâd’ta iken hem de Mısır’a sefer düzenlerken berâberindeki kalabalık derviş gurubuyla birlikte zikirler eşliğinde tahta kılıçla yürüdükleri kaydedilmiştir. Bektâşî Velâyetnâmelerinde Anadolu Selçukluları döneminde yaşayan Hacı Bektâş-i Velî’nin himmetleriyle Saru Saltuk’un tahta kılıç kullanarak mânevî bir savaş verdiğini görüyoruz. Velâyet-nâmelerde tahta kılıç kullanımına dâir pek çok örnek vardır. 20 yüzyılda da pek çok dergâh ve câmîde bu tür bir kılıcın sembolik olarak kullanıldığını bizzât müşâhede ettik. (shrink)

Sosyal etkileşimin en esnek araçlarından biri olarak görülen mizah, geçmişten bugüne önemli bir ilgi alanı olagelmiştir. Son yıllarda sosyal medyanın yayılmasıyla hemen her olayın mizah açısından yorumlanması mizaha olan ilginin göstergesi olarak kabul edilebilir. Mizah insana ait olan hemen her şeyi konu edindiği gibi dini temaları da konu edinmektedir. Bu açıdan bakıldığında mizah, mizahi tutum ve dindarlık biçimleri arasındaki ilişkiler Din Psikolojisinin araştırma konusuna girmektedir. Yusuf Emre tarafından doktora çalışması kapsamında hazırlanan “Din ve Mizah” adlı eser, mizah anlayışı ile (...) dinî yaşayışın farklı görüntüleri arasındaki ilişkiyi kuramsal ve uygulamalı olarak araştırmak amacıyla hazırlanmıştır. Kitap, Giriş, Kuramsal Çerçeve, Araştırma ve Yöntem, Bulgular, Tartışma ve Yorum, Sonuç olmak üzere yedi bölümden oluşmaktadır. (shrink)

Antalya, which is today’s attraction center with its historical and natural beauties, was described as “a city like heaven” since ancient times. This city hosted many civilisations and states until the 13th century and became an important seaport after The Seljuks took over the region. The Seljuks applied civilization and urbanization policy also in Antalya, like other regions they ruled. The mosques, madrasahs (Islamıc theology institutions), schools, baths, caravansearis (hostels), hospices, and water cisterns in this period changed the structure of (...) the city and paved the way for improvements of public life. During the Ottomans some of these social institutions were kept active while the others no longer served to the public. However, with the construction of new social institutions, urbanization was resumed. The madrasas were generally built near or adjacent to the mosques, and had a significant role in developing the society and cultural structure. Although the madrasas in Antalya were mainly the institutions that maintain the education system, the research on these madrasas mostly focuses on their architectural features. The majority of these madrasas that are not comprehensively studied. Therefore, the functioning structures and the problems of Antalya Madrasas (Antalya, Korkuteli and Elmalı), which are reflected in the archive documents between the 17th and 20th centuries and also both individuals and institutions that had influence on these madrasas are going to be investigated in this study. Thus, this paper will shed more light on Antalya Madrasas.Summary: Antalya city, which was completely under the Seljuk sovereignty during the reign of Sultan Alaeddin Keykubat I (1219-1236), was named as Alâiyye dedicated to the Sultan's name and became an important port city of the Seljuk State after then. In the process of the fall of the Seljuk State and the beginning of the Emirates (Beylikler) period, the city became a land of Teke-Oğulları, a part of a Hamid-oğulları, and in 1390 the city became an Ottoman city after the struggle of Yıldırım Bayazid with Teke-oğuları. Antalya was home to the madrasahs, one of the formal education institutions during both the Seljuk and the Ottoman Empire. The madrasahs were built next to the mosque or in a detached area built by sometimes administrators or statesmen, sometimes by members of the dynasty or by the citizens who were wealthy. In Antalya, both single floor and second floor madrasahs were built. This study based on the documents from Prime Ministry Ottoman Archive, the travel books of İbn Bibi and Evliya Çelebi, the works on Antalya Madrasahs to be determine the madrasah in the districts of Antalya as Korkuteli and Elmalı. In addition to the Seljuk madrasahs such as Imaret Madrasah, Atabey Armagan Madrasah and Karatay Madrasah, there are also some madrasahs belonging to the Ottoman period, in Antalya. As a matter of fact, the madrasahs increased in number in the period of the Ottoman. Antalya madrasahs which are reflected in archival documents for any reason are as follows: “Süleyman Madrasah” located in Hatip Süleyman Street, “Madrasah built by Haci Mahmed” located in Elmali Street, “Hacı Abbaszâde Hacı Süleyman Madrasah” in Süleyman Street, “İsmail Efendi Madrasah” in Tahtapazarı Kızılsaray Street, Kasab Hacı Ahmed Madrasah, Hacı Cafer Ağa Madrasah, Murad Ağa Madrasah, Esir Hacı Ali Madrasah, Hacı Hasan Madrasah,“Madrasah built by Hasan Efendi” in Keçiyalar Street, in the Kadılar Street of Gediz County “Madrasah built by Yusuf Efendi”, “Madrasah built by Hızır Efendi” in Cami-i atik Street, Murat Pasha Madrasah, “Sefer Ağa Madrasah” located outside the city wall, “Büyülü Minaret Madrasah, Hatuniye Madrasah, Sheik Sinan Camii Madrasah located outside the city Wall, In addition to these madrasahs mentioned in some studies in Antalya, it is also stated that there are madrasahs such as Müsellim Madrasah, Kesik Minaret Madrasah, Karakas Madrasah, Varsakli Mehmet Efendi Madrasah, Meydan Madrasah, Surmeli Madrasah, Canmülk Madrasah, Ahi Kız Madrasah, Hacı Naim Efendi Madrasah, Susam Madrasah, Çömlekçi Madrasah, Değirmenönü Madrasah, Ak Mescid Madrasah, Âşık Doğan Madrasah and Çukur Madrasah.According to archive documents, in the sub-district of Antalya, which is used as a plateau or plateau area, some madrasahs were recorded as follows: Pınarbaşı Madrasah, Hızır Efendi Madrasah, Mustafa Efendi Madrasah, Emir Sinaneddin Madrasah, Hacı Menlü (Mevlüt) oğlu Ömer Medrese, Abu Bakr Agha Madrasah, Koca Hafız Medrese, Hacı Mollaoğlu El-Hac Ömer Madrasah, Sheikh İsmail Efendi Madrasah. However, Süleyman Fikri Erten, who works on Antalya, stated that the number of madrasahs is eight as: Haci Ahmet Madrasah of Kalkanlı, Sultan Hatun Madrasah, Koparanzade Hacı Hüseyin Madrasah, Karabayırlı Hacı Hüseyin Madrasah, Kaşlı Ali Efendi Madrasah, Hacı Hüseyin Madrasah, Şalaka Ahmet Madrasah and Oyunyeri Madrasah.The madrasahs built in Elmalı, another distict of Antalya, were as follows: Ketenci Ömer Paşa Madrasah, Esbak Mir-i Ahur Hacı Mehmet Bey Madrasah, Haydar Baba Madrasah, Arifî Ahmed Paşa Madrasah, Hüseyin Efendi Madrasah, Debbağ Baba Madrasah, Şeyh Ümmi Sinan Madrasah, Babazade Hacı Abdurrahman Madrasah, Hacı Şeyh Efendi Madrasah, Mustafa Efendi Madrasah, Hasan Efendi Madrasah, Salih Efendi Madrasah, Halil Efendi Madrasah, Çankırlı Madrasah, Osman Efendi Madrasah and “Mehmet Efendi Madrasah in Örtekiz village”. In addition, two madrasahs, except from these, were also found in the archive documents.A madrasah was built almost at every Street of Antalya and the madrasahs were usually named by the name of their builders. Madrasah students were provided with a certain amount of scholarship to continue their education according to the level of the education in the madrasahs and the level of the courses taught, salaries of the scholars, the status of the builder of the madrasah. The scholars who worked in the madrasahs worked with a document called berat-i sharif and in the case of the disappearance of this document a new berat-i sharif would be prepared by the Shaykh al-Islami. Scholars working without this document were also determined. In the scholar appointments foundation, board of trustees, müfti, and the city regents were very influential. There were also some appointments resulted from death, promotion besides leaving job with their own will. There were some problems with the appointments in Antalya and the foundation revenues to which the madrasah was attached were delivered to certain individuals until these problems were resolved.In madrasahs of Antalya, science was given a great importance and all kinds of monetary issues were tired to be eliminated with donations given to both scholars and students. However, it is observed that madrasahs were involved in some events in Antalya. As a matter of fact, among those who participated in the Şah Kulu Rebellion that took place in 1510-1511, there were also madrasah students and education training had therefore been disrupted for a long time. it is known that the state sent orders to the judges (qadi) in the region consecutively in order to prevent the rebellion. Also during this period some madrasahs were used as the activity center of armed students or people who disguised them.One of the issues that negates the education and training in the madrasahs in Antalya is that in 1890 the immigrants started to be hosted in Antalya and the guests visiting were accommodated in madrasahs as there were no other available places. This situation had been continued for a long time and even telegrams have been sent about the students living on the sidewalks.Another important issue that disrupts education was epidemic diseases. It was reported that too many people died in the district of Istanoz because of smallpox, there was no doctor and the health personnel should go to the region urgently. Despite all the problems experienced in madrasahs, they continued their activities in Antalya and while continuing their activities under the control of foundations in 1826, with the establishment of the Ministry of Foundations, they were connected to this institution. (shrink)

Avrupa Fetva Meclisi, çoğu Batı’da ikame eden hem şerî delilleri hem de vâkıayı bilen kıymetli âlimleri bünyesinde toplamış ilmi bir müessesedir. 1997 yılında Yûsuf el-Karadâvî’nin (1926-2022) başkanlığında kurulmuştur. Bu tarihten itibaren özellikle de Batı’da yaşayan müslümanları ilgilendiren ve müslüman ülkelerde gözlemlenen problemlerden ciddi manada farklılaşan önemli fıkhî meseleleri gündemine taşımış, ürettiği çözümlerle hem oradan yaşayan hem de benzer problemlerle yüzleşen Müslümanlar için referans niteliğinde karar ve fetvalara imza atarak, kendisine başvurulan ilmi bir merci haline gelmiştir. Kuruluşundan günümüze Meclis’in yapısını konu (...) edinen ve genel ya da aile hukuku veya muamelat gibi, özel bazı meseleler bağlamında izlediği fetva yöntemine ilişkin farklı dillerde bazıları akademik tarzda pek çok çalışma yapılmıştır. Meclis, 2023 yılında İstanbul’da icra ettiği toplantısını bu tarihe kadar yaptığı çalışmalar ve kendisine yöneltilen tenkitlere hasretmiş, toplantıda Meclis’i farklı yönleriyle değerlendiren çok sayıda bildiri sunulmuştur. Bu çalışma da aynı gayeye hizmet etmek maksadıyla Meclis’in fetvalarını neşrederken izlediği metodu, fıkıh ve fetva usulü kuralları bağlamında eleştirel bir bakış açısıyla değerlendirmek üzere kaleme alınmıştır. Değerlendirme, fetvanın muteber sayılabilmesi için müftüde aranan ilmi ehliyet ve adalet şartlarıyla sınırlandırılmıştır. Bu bağlamda öncelikle fıkıh meclislerinin fıkıh ilmine yaptığı katkıdan bahseden bir giriş yapılmış, ardından Meclisle ilgili tanıtıcı kısa bir malumat verilerek, “ekalliyyât fıkhı” olarak da bilinen alanda doldurduğu boşluk başta olmak üzere, diğer fıkıh meclislerinden olumlu yönde ayrıldığı hususiyetlerine değinilmiştir. Fetvanın kabul edilmesi için gerekli şartlar meşhur usul kitaplarıyla iktifa edilerek tahlil edilerek aktarılmış, Meclis’in neşrettiği fetva ve kararların bu kurallara uygunluğu tartışılarak, diğer fıkıh meclisleriyle mukayese imkânı oluşturabilmek için onlar tarafından neşredilmiş karar ve fetvalara da yer verilmiştir. Çalışmanın sonucunda Meclisin, karar ve fetvaların kimler tarafından alındığını ilan etmemek suretiyle kriter olarak belirlenen fetva usulü kurallarına riâyet etmediği anlaşılmış, diğer fıkıh meclislerinin de çoğunlukla aynı problemle malul olduğu sonucuna varılmıştır. Çalışma, tespit edilen problemlerin çözümü için bazı tavsiyelerin de yer aldığı bir sonuçla tamamlanmıştır. Çalışmanın, ulaştığı sonuçlarla fetva müesseselerinin bu faaliyeti icra ederken fetva usulü çerçevesinde hareket etmelerine rehberlik edecek ölçüler ortaya koymak suretiyle alana katkı sağlaması umulmaktadır. Bunun yanında, hangi isimle anılırsa anılsın kurumsal olarak fetva neşreden müesseselerin, özelde ise Avrupa Fetva Meclisi’nin kararlarıyla amel eden ya da karar ve fetvalarını esas alarak fetva veren veya çalışmalarında istifade eden araştırmacı ve müftülerde farkındalık oluşturması ümit edilmektedir. (shrink)

The issue of wiping over socks is part of the more general issue of wiping over leather socks (khuffayn) for ablution (wuḍū’). Washing feet or wiping over them is a debate whose sides bases their claims on the verses of the Qur’an and supports these claims with narrations. When performing ablution, if shoes or socks are on the feet, whether one can wipe over them without taking these off and the qualities that these clothes should have is a debate based (...) on hadith narrations. Most Muslims except for the Ja’farite are of the opinion that either washing the feet or wiping over a khuff or similar clothing that was put on while a person already had ablution can be done during ablution, while the Ja’farite think that wiping over bare feet is enough but wiping over khuff is not. There is a consensus that shoes, boots, buskins and other leather footwear qualify as khuff. However, there is disagreement over whether clothing from materials like cotton, linen, wool, and felt -usually referred to as socks- qualify as khuff. For this reason, some Muslims of the world wipe over socks while others do not. There are contemporary fatwas (legal opinion) that are supportive of either of the positions. However, there are those who treat this issue beyond choosing a side in an ijtihad (process of juristic legal reasoning) and some who wipe on socks are censured strongly. In this research based on an examination of the fiqh heritage, the goal is to contribute to making this issue better understood and its fiqh ruling clearer.Summary: The sixth verse of Surah Ma’idah in the Qur’an clearly states that wuḍū’ requires washing the face, arms up until elbows, and wiping over the head. However, when it comes to the fourth element of wuḍū’, the feet, there has been disagreement about whether it should be wiped or washed. Arabic grammar rules and narrations have been interpreted in ways that support both views; in general Sunni sects, Zaydis, and Kharijites argue the feet should be washed while Shia Ja’farites are in favor of wiping over bare feet. There have also been efforts among faqihs (jurists) to reconcile washing and wiping; washing slightly; choosing the better one between the two; washing when not covered, wiping when covered; washing if there is dirt, wiping if it is clean; viewing at least wiping as fard (obligatory), washing as a Sunna (recommended) that includes the fard as a way to unify the two approaches have also been proposed.According to widely accepted narrations, the prophet and his companions washed their feet when performing wuḍū’ and once they put on their shoes having had wuḍū’, the next time they only wiped over the shoes without taking them off. In less commonly accepted narrations, which some hadith authorities regard as authentic, the Prophet is said to have wiped over his socks. In narration sources, it has been narrated that about fifteen faqih companions, among them ʿUmar b. al-Khaṭṭāb, ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib, ʿAbdallāh Ibn Masʿūd, ʿAbdallāh b. ʿAbbās, ʿAbdallāh b. ʿUmar, saw wiping over socks as appropriate. However, there are no narrations about the companions disapproving of wiping over socks. Among those who approved of wiping over socks are tābiʿūn (successors) faqihs like Saʿīd b. D̲j̲ubayr, Saʿīd b. al-Musayyab, Ibrāhīm al-Nakhaʿī, ʿAṭāʾ b. Abī Rabāḥ, al-Ḥasan al-Baṣrī ve al-Aʿmash, and Mujtahid Imams like Zufar, Sufyan al-Thawri, al-Ḥasan b. Ṣāliḥ, Ibn al-Mubārak, Abū Yūsuf, Muḥammad al-Shaybānī, Aḥmad b. Ḥanbal, Isḥāq b. Rāhawayh. Considering their most prominent positions, we can say that Ḥanafis and Shafis allow wiping over socks that are thick and opaque, Hanbalis allow it over socks that cover the foot even if thin, while Mālikīs do not allow wiping over socks at all.As far as it is understood from narrations from the Prophet’s time, due to both climate conditions and weaving possibilities, socks were used only rarely. Also, footwear like shoes or slippers made of leather were very hard to find and narrations suggest that prayers were performed at houses and the masjids over soil base on either bare foot or with shoes. For these reasons, the issue of wiping over socks did not arise at the time and at later periods different opinions on the issue led to disagreements. When carpets were placed on the ground at later periods, performing the prayer with shoes was abandoned and a second layer of shoes (khuff) was placed inside the shoes as khuff. Since removing the shoes would invalidate wuḍū’ performed over that shoe, those who wanted to avoid the difficulty of having to wash their feet each time they needed wuḍū’ have instead wiped over this second layer once they put them on after performing wuḍū’.Ḥanafīs and Shāfiʿīs, who tend to approach the issue of wiping over socks with hesitation and make this conditional on some strict rules, emphasize that the socks to be wiped over should be similar to shoes in terms of thickness, based on the idea that it is certain that the Prophet has wiped over shoes made of leather but his wiping over socks is weaker and that the qualities of those socks are not clear. Among the thickness criteria expressed for the socks are being waterproof, the ability to walk for at least a league with it, and its ability to hold on to feet without being tied at the wrists. Due to these criteria, which have been developed to protect the wuḍū’ and whose boundaries are not well specified, especially among Ḥanafis the idea that wiping over socks is not allowed has gained popularity. As opposed to this, in circles dominated by Ḥanbalīs opinions allowing wiping over any type of socks have been expressed.At times when the Prophet had his shoes on and did not want to take off his shoes, he used to wipe over the shoes. The equivalent of this act today is to wipe over socks since prayer with shoes on is not common any more. While nowadays wiping over socks is an ease for everybody when performing wuḍū’, it is something that is especially needed under certain circumstances. Cold weather and the lack of drying possibilities for the feet leading catching cold and illness, socks that are put on when feet are wet leading to bad smell and fungus on feet, the hardship of elevating the feet high enough to the sink and of changing socks on one foot when there are no special wuḍū’ places, the fact that at societies distant from Islamic culture it is seen against the etiquette to wash feet in the sink are among the reasons why this need arises. Because most of the time we are not in a position to determine the circumstances of our work and travels at modern times, it can be said that today this need is more than it was in the past.Some scholars of today use a precautionary principle and argue that the Qur’an commands to wash the feet, and the only narration powerful enough to make an exception to this rule is about masts made of leather, and extending this to include socks would go against the precaution principle and some other principles of uṣūl al-fiqh (Islamic legal theory). However, some other scholars who use the ease in religion principle argue that the permission to wipe over masts also include wiping over socks and that they are of the same nature, that there are authentic narrations that show wiping over socks are allowed and that one can even talk of an ijmāʿ (consensus) among the companions on this issue, and that seeking additional qualities socks on which one is to wipe over, such as thickness, ability to walk with it, its ability to hold on to the feet, being waterproof, have no merit in the sharīʿa. Jamaleddīn Qāsimī, who wrote a special research book on the topic, and scholars like Abū l-Aʿlā Mawdūdī, Yūsuf al-Qaradāwī, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz b. Bāz, Ibn al Uthaymeen think that one can wipe over daily socks that do not show the skin beneath it, while scholars predominantly of the Ḥanafi opinion hold that one cannot wipe over the thin daily socks. (shrink)

Arap edebiyatı tarihinin dönemlerinden biri olarak Osmanlı dönemi Arap edebiyatı yaklaşık dört buçuk asırlık uzun bir dönemi kapsamaktadır. Modern dönemde Arap edebiyatı tarihi yazımına öncülük eden Carlo Alfonso Nallino (öl.1938), Hamilton Gibb (öl.1971), Régis Blachère (öl.1973) gibi müsteşrikler Osmanlı dönemi Arap edebiyatını yok saymış, dahası bir çöküş ve inkıta evresi olarak tanımlamışlardır. Bu makalede sözü edilen araştırmacıların dönemle ilgili iddialarının sağlamasını yapmak üzere Osmanlı’da Arap edebiyatı alanında var olan süreklilik, çeşitlilik ve gelişim durumu dönemin öncü iki edebiyatçısı ve eserlerinde ön (...) plana çıkan temalar üzerinden konu edilmiştir. Makale, literatür değerlendirmesinin de yapıldığı bir girişi, Osmanlı Dönemi Arap edebiyatı hakkında bir değerlendirmeyi, 17. yy. Osmanlı dönemi Arap edebi çevrelerinde meşhur olan edebiyatçılardan Yûsuf el-Bedî‘(öl. 1073/1662)’nin ve Şihâbuddîn el-Mûsevi Ebû Ma‘tûḳ (öl. 1087/1676)’un edebi şahsiyetlerini ve eserlerinde ön plana çıkan temaları, edebi süreklilik açısından incelemeyi içermektedir. Adı geçen iki edebi şahsiyetin seçilmesinin sebebi, edebiyatta hem geleneği korumuş olmaları hem de eserlerinin modern dönem edebiyatını etkilemiş olmasıdır. Genel olarak Osmanlı dönemi Arap edebiyatında ortaya konan edebî eserler hakkında, özel olarak makalenin konusunu teşkil eden edebiyatçılar hakkında henüz yeterli sayıda ilmî araştırmanın bulunmaması bir boşluk oluşturmaktadır. Makalemiz, önemini bu boşluğu bir nebze de olsa doldurma çabasından almaktadır. Makalemizde, bu dönemin edebî gelişim ve zenginlik açısından bir duraksamaya uğrayıp uğramadığı veya yok sayılacak denli edebî faaliyetlerden uzak olup olmadığı; edebiyat sahasında geleneğin sürekliliğinin sağlanıp sağlanmadığı ve edebî olgunluk ile gelişime ulaşılıp ulaşılmadığı sorularına cevap bulmak amaçlanmıştır. Dönemin iki usta edebiyatçısına ait edebî temaların süreklilik bakımından değerlendirilmesi suretiyle konuya objektif bir bakış açısı sunmak hedeflenmiştir. Makalede nitel araştırma yöntemlerinden betimleyici yöntem kullanılmış olup edebî metinlerden verilen örnekler sınırlı tutulmuştur. Osmanlı Döneminin, Arap edebiyatının sekteye uğradığı bir dönem olmayıp, kendisinden önceki edebî dönemlerin devamı olarak canlılığını sürdürdüğü ve modern döneme temel teşkil edecek çalışmaların yapıldığı verimli bir dönem olduğu sonucuna ulaşılmıştır. Yûsuf el-Bedî‘î’nin ve Ebû Ma‘tûḳ'un edebî zevkleri, tenkit yetenekleri ve şair kimlikleri, onları yetiştiren kültürel çevreyi yansıtırken, canlı bir entelektüel ortamın varlığını da gösterir. Şiirlerinde klasik kasidenin temalarını dönemlerine uygun şekilde işleyerek, Arap edebiyatının zengin mirasının nesilden nesile aktarıldığını kanıtlarlar. Onların edebî kişilikleri, yaşadıkları yüzyılın entelektüel düzeyini ve dönemin edebiyatçı profilini nitelikli bir şekilde temsil etmektedir. (shrink)

Kuzey Afrika’da kurulan bilâhare Endülüs bölgesini topraklarına dahil eden Murâbıtlar Devleti 448-543 yılları arasında hüküm sürmüştür. Murâbıtlar Devleti’nin temeli Kuzey Afrika’daki kabileler arasında irşad ve tebliğ faaliyetinde bulunan ve bu maksatla bir ribat kuran Mâlikî fakihi Abdullah b. Yâsîn tarafından atılmıştır. Mâlikî mezhebine mensup olan ve bu mezhebin esas alınması hususunda büyük hassasiyet gösteren Murâbıtlar Devleti emîrleri devletin kuruluş gayesine sadık kalmışlar, karar alırken fakihlere danışmışlar, onların fetvâları ve tavsiyeleri doğrultusunda devleti yönetmişlerdir. Bu durum fakihlerin tesir sahasının oldukça geniş olmasına (...) sebebiyet vermiştir. Murâbıtlar Devleti, fakihlerin bu devlette büyük bir otoriteye sahip olmaları ve bilhassa onların fetvâları ile vuku bulan hadiseler sebebiyle yıkılışından itibaren çeşitli değerlendirmelere konu olmuştur. Bu devlete son vererek bu devletin topraklarında hüküm süren Muvahhidler, müsteşrikler ve bir kısım araştırmacılar Murâbıtlar Devleti’ne tamamen olumsuz bir bakış açısıyla yaklaşmış, çeşitli ithamlarda bulunmuşlardır. Diğer taraftan bilhassa son dönemlerde bu suçlamalara cevap niteliği taşıyan çalışmalar da yapılmış, eserler ortaya konulmuştur. Bu çalışmada öncelikle Murâbıtlar Devleti’nde en önemli makam olarak kabul edilen kādılık makamını ihraz eden fakihlerin yetki ve sorumlulukları hakkında bilgi verilmiştir. Sonrasında devletin zirve döneminde hüküm sahibi olmuş Yûsuf b. Taşfîn ve Ali b. Yûsuf b. Taşfîn’in fakihlerle ilişkileri ile fakihlerin bu emîrlerin döneminde cereyan eden önemli hadise ve kararlardaki rolü ele alınmıştır. Çalışmanın son kısmında ise Murâbıtlar Devleti’nde fakihlerin konumu ve etkisi ile alakalı olarak yapılan değerlendirmelere yer verilmiştir. (shrink)